All posts by Atikh Rashid

A journalist with a national English daily. Interested in cinema, humour and politics.

Reframing Irish ruins: Stanley Kubrick’s use of Kells Priory in Barry Lyndon

Using Kells Priory, an Irish medieval site, as a case study, this essay examines how Stanley Kubrick transforms a specific historical and geographical place into cinematic space, drawing upon the priory’s architectural form, medieval history, and associations with conflict, power, and decline to create meanings that extend beyond landscape realism in Barry Lyndon.

This scene involving Redmond Barry confronting his childhood sweetheart Nora Brady and wealthy English Army Captain John Quin during their outdoor rendezvous was shot at Ballynatray Estate near Youghal situated on the border of County Cork and County Waterford. (Photo: Still from Barry Lyndon (Dir: Stanley Kubrick)

ATIKH RASHID

When Stanley Kubrick arrived in Waterford in July 1973 to scout for locations for Barry Lyndon, he was unknowingly or knowingly entering a landscape whose depictions on canvas or celluloid, in lyric and prose, are charged with layers of political, cultural, and emotional meaning.


The vision of Ireland as a pastoral utopia has evolved through various historical stages: from Oliver Cromwell’s displacement of native Catholic populations of Ireland to the less fertile western lands in 17th century, to Paul Henry’s renderings of rural life on canvas, to nationalist reappropriations of the countryside as the moral heart of the colonised nation. The postcolonial Irish state further instrumentalised this imagery to promote tourism, as did Hollywood with depictions of Ireland’s countryside – with films such as The Quiet Man (1952) – as rural utopia, for its own purposes. This story came full circle in the decade of 1970s with Irish filmmakers actively trying to deconstruct this image with films such as Caoineadh Áirt Úi Laoghaire (1975) and Poitin (1977).

The excitement around Kubrick’s plan to shoot ‘Barry Lyndon’ in Ireland is palpable in this article published by the Sunday Independent on July 7 . 1973 (Accessed on November 23 2026 through Irish Newspaper Archives)


Kubrick’s Barry Lyndon, coming as it did in the middle of this decade, could be seen as another portrayal of Ireland of the older kind. Yet, the film was not – or hasn’t been – seen with the same derision that The Quiet Man and Ryan’s Daughter were for their stereotypical portrayal of Ireland and its people. In fact, Barry Lyndon was adjudged as the best Irish Film ever made by a jury at The Irish Times in 2020.


In the film, a young Irishman tries to climb the English aristocratic ladder through hook, crook and marriage only to lose everything as he is crushed by the rigid social order of 18th-century Britain. Looking for reasons for Barry Lyndon’s positive appraisal, film scholar Maria Pramaggiore argues that although the film “both indicts and participates in the colonial figuring of Ireland’s geographical and social landscape”, it sidesteps the Hollywood depiction by using melancholia and by framing the landscape through the 18th century debate about “the beautiful, the picturesque and the sublime”.

Later in this essay, I compare the cinematic space created by the filmmaker with the geographic place that Kells Priory is. (Graphic created by author; screengrabs taken from Barry Lyndon (Dir: Stanley Kubrick)


Last month, I visited the Kells Priory, County Kilkenny, one of the outdoor shooting locations of the movie in Ireland, to seek the answers to these questions for myself and to see how this site, which figures prominently in the film, was in real life. How was the cinematic place created from the geographic space? Has it changed since? How do the history of Kells Priory and its use in Barry Lyndon interact with each other?

Monastic-Military Complex

Founded in 1193 by Geoffrey FitzRobert, an Ango-Norman baron, Kells Priory was a monastic sanctuary with a defensive structure situated along the King’s River in Kilkenny County. Dedicated to ‘Blessed Virgin Mary’, the Priory was endowed with extensive lands and over the next two centuries came to comprise several buildings including a church, cloister, chapter house, dormitory, and refectory. These are parts of the monastic precinct at the priory.

The other part is the Burgess Court, which is mainly a defensive courtyard made of five defence towers linked to each other by a tall, stone-built compound wall. During its heyday, the priory served spiritual, economic and military functions that included worship, pastoral outreach, lodging for the canons, management of agricultural lands, mills and the defence of its occupants from outsiders in that turbulent era.

In March 1540, as per the policies of King Henry VII, the priory was surrendered and its lands were granted to other English nobles . Following this, the buildings gradually fell into disuse, some being adapted for secular uses. In recent times, the ruins became an important heritage site with archaeological excavations starting at the location beginning in 1972.

It’s plausible that filming and excavation took place parallely at Kells Priory. From 1972 to 1975, a large-scale programme of excavations was undertaken and it went on until 1980s. 7 The filming for Barry Lyndon took place in Kilkenny from October to December 1973.

‘The Dunleary camp’ : Barry at Kells Priory


In the movie, the scenes shot at the priory take place in the first half of the film before Barry leaves Ireland for Germany after he enlists in the Redcoats army. The priory has been used as a location to portray a fictional temporary training camp for the newly recruited Irish troops near the Dún Laoghaire harbour at the outskirts of the then Dublin city. This is a divergence (although not narratively important) from W M Thackeray’s novel, as in the latter Barry spends some time in Dublin with Fitzsimons’ family after leaving Barryville before enlisting for the English army and embarking on a ship to Prussian territories. In the novel, the episodes depicting the fistfight with Mr Toole and meeting with Captain Grogan (Fagan in novel) occur aboard the ship. In the film, these sequences are staged on land and specifically at the ‘Dunleary Training Camp’, which the novel has no mention of.

Interestingly, the first draft of the Barry Lyndon screenplay placed these sequences in Germany, unlike the finished film. Clearly, Kubrick decided to shoot more scenes in Ireland than initially planned, and the reasons for this could only be speculated. Notwithstanding the reason, it can be safely stated that this choice considerably expanded the Irish duration of the film and helped build a historical layer to the film’s depiction of a colonised Ireland.

Barry at the ‘Dunleary’ camp before he embarks on the ship to Prussia. (Screengrab: Barry Lyndon, Dir: Stanley Kubrick)

Interestingly, in an example of cinematic manipulation of space, the sequences shot at the Kells Priory are intermixed with scenes shot at Moorstown Castle, about 60 kms away, giving an illusion that these two spaces form a single place, a third, totally fictional, cinematic site of ‘Dunleary Camp’.

When I visited Kells Priory earlier this month, I found the site much the same as it appears in the film (minus the redcoats, their tents and paraphernalia) although 50 years have passed since the shooting of the film. The meadows inside and outside the walls, I saw, were populated by grazing sheep instead of redcoats having their humble lunch (as in the scene), which becomes the reason for Barry’s fistfight with Mr Toole.
Of the two parts of Kells Priory – monastic precinct and Burgess court – only the latter has been used in the film.

Redmond Barry’s entry at Dunleary training camp. (Screengrab Barry Lyndon, Dir: Stanley Kubrick)
The location today as photographed by the author from inside Burgess Court at Kells Priory. There is very little identifiable difference – apart from some dry patches seen in the movie visuals as compared to lush green grass at present, and sheep taking advantage of the greens. (Photo Credit:Atikh Rashid)

This space, characterized by its open, geometrically defined stone walls and towers, takes many a shapes in the mind of the visitors, becoming a place of multilayered meaning: as an ecclesiastical site with religious and colonial history, as an archival excavation site holding vast possibilities for anthropological and historical knowledge (some of the excavated material is stored inside the priory), and its ruined look harking back nostalgia and a sense of loss. By using the site in Barry Lyndon, Kubrick activates these layers of meaning and imbues it with additional ones by using it as a place where important incidents in the life of the protagonist occur.


It’s a space where Barry starts a new life as a Redcoats soldier, where a faux-aristocratic country-boy gets hardened by intermingling with ‘lower classes’. His fistfight with Mr Toole makes the green meadow an intimate Place of conflict and class tension thus imbuing the space with personal and meanings that transcend its existing associations.

The cinematic space of Dunleary training Camp soon after the protagonist’s induction into the British army.
Image 2. A photo taken by the author at Burgess Court of Kells Priory. The Burgess court, an enclosure that was built for defensive purposes, has seven such towers, the monument is also called ‘Seven Castles’.
There is some perspectival difference between the referenced shot and the image taken by the author is largely due to camera height and
Kubrick’s well-known use of a telephoto lens for this film . The film scene may have been shot by placing a camera at a height, capturing three towers in the background. The tree cover in the mid-ground has changed considerably, affecting the visibility of the wall compound as well as the towers in the background from this angle.

For an audience sensitive to Irish history, the sight of a foreign military occupying a historical Irish ruin (a stand-in for native institutions) is a powerful, active cultural stimulus that may recall the historical trauma of conquest and dissolution. The redcoats trampling the lush green terrain under their feet in the backdrop of ruins from Ireland’s past does tell a colonial story in itself and could possibly be read as the colonial fantasy of conquering a virgin land.


Perhaps, this is exactly what sets Barry Lyndon’s depiction of Irish life and landscape apart because the film does not idealise them but depicts them as sites of loss and domination. The lush green Irish terrain is not a cite of rural utopia but must be left behind to make a life thus symbolising displacement and colonial tension. The painterly aesthetic of the film inspired from 18th century art evokes a sense of loss and melancholia, the slow and restrained visual momentum helps the film – although a Hollywood product – stand apart from the melodramatic or picturesque clichés of Hollywood films mentioned earlier.


A mere location?


The question of whether the use of Kells Priory is merely locational in Barry Lyndon is a vexed one.

On one hand, the site is used as a location in the most functional sense as it stands for something fictional – the Dunleary training camp. On the other hand, it’s more than purely locational as basing the scenes at an identifiable Irish ruin, Kubrick imbues the scene with layers of historical and cultural meaning due the site’s documented history of loss and conquest and Barry’s own personal and ultimately unsuccessful struggles within British aristocracy.

Remains of the archaeological excavations that took place at Kells Priory can still be seen at the site. Photo Credit: Atikh Rashid


Kells Priory, although a national monument and an important medieval ecclesiastical site of great archaeological importance, is not a popular tourist destination. Barry Lyndon shoot there has not helped it (unlike the locations of The Quiet Man and Star Wars franchise), one would imagine, largely because the film itself doesn’t enjoy a broad popularity, claiming fanfare among a niche cinephile crowd. The tourism data published by Failte Ireland shows that within the Kilkenny county, the Priory is not a sought-after destination, with only 31,000 visitors in a year (although it’s a free-entry monument) as opposed to Kilkenny Castle which attracted 452, 383 visitors who had to buy a ticket.

Kells Priory, however, makes frequent appearances on online forums on platforms like Reddit in discussions involving shooting locations in Ireland. The film has gained in popularity with passage of time which shows in the online mentions of the film and its shooting locations but it’s still a niche to send crowds in the direction of the Kells. Also, in the crowded list of historic shooting locations in Ireland listed on portals such as Screen Ireland, Heritage Ireland or OPW, Kells Priory does not prefigure prominently

References/Further Reading:

Bradley, John, ‘Kells Priory, County Kilkenny: Archaeological Excavations 1972–1975’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 80C (1980), 345–420.

Harper, Graeme, and Jonathan Rayner, eds., Cinema and Landscape: Film, Nation and Cultural Geography (Bristol: Intellect, 2010).

McLoone, Martin, ‘Landscape and Irish Cinema’, in Cinema and Landscape: Film, Nation and Cultural Geography, ed. by Graeme Harper and Jonathan Rayner (Bristol: Intellect, 2010), pp. 131–46

Peckham, Robert Shannan, ‘Landscape in Film’, in A Companion to Cultural Geography, ed. by James S. Duncan, Nuala C. Johnson and Richard H. Schein (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), pp 420-429
Poitín, dir. by Bob Quinn (CineGael, 1977).

Pramaggiore, Maria. Making Time in Stanley Kubrick’s Barry Lyndon: Art, History, and Empire. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015

Thackeray, William Makepeace, The Memoirs of Barry Lyndon, Esq. by Himself (London, 1844).

Cinema and Landscape: Film, Nation and Cultural Geography, edited by Graeme Harper and Jonathan Rayner, Intellect, 2010, pp. 131–146.

Seeing film genres travel through time and space with a multi-channel heatmap

A project by Atikh Rashid, Emmanuel Kofi Quist-Haynes & Andres Prypchan

Film genres emerge within particular production centres but frequently spread beyond their sites of origin through adaptation and reinterpretation. Characterising these patterns at a global scale can provide insights into cultural exchange and the evolution of film industries. We examine the temporal and geographic distribution of three genres with identifiable production hubs—Film Noir, Western, and Martial Arts cinema—across six major film-producing regions: the United States, India, China, Italy, Mexico, and Nigeria.

Using metadata compiled from TMDb, IMDb, Wikipedia, and the Hong Kong Movie Database (HKMDB), we construct decade-level genre production counts and visualise them using logarithmically scaled heatmaps and multichannel RGB composite heatmaps. The composite representation enables simultaneous comparison of three genres, revealing both genre-specific dominance and cross-genre co-occurrence. The visualisations reproduce established historical patterns, including the sustained dominance of Westerns in the United States, their later concentration in Italy during the Spaghetti Western period, and the strong localisation of Martial Arts cinema in China. More broadly, the analysis suggests that genres typically remain concentrated around their centres of origin or develop secondary centres of reinterpretation rather than exhibiting uniform global diffusion.

Data and Methods

Data Sources

The analysis combines metadata from four primary sources: the TMDb API, IMDb downloadable datasets, Wikipedia, and the Hong Kong Movie Database (HKMDB). Together these datasets provide information on film genres, production countries, and release dates. Because no individual source provides complete global coverage, missing or inconsistent records were cross-checked against supplementary references, including the British Film Institute (BFI), the American Film Institute (AFI) Catalogue, the Centre National du Cinéma et de l’Image Animée (CNC), the Deutsches Filminstitut & Filmmuseum (DFF), the National Film Archive of India (NFAI), the Encyclopedia of Indian Cinema, and national box-office datasets.

Data Processing

Data were collected through API access, downloadable datasets, and web scraping where appropriate. The combined dataset was cleaned by standardising country names, genre labels, and release dates, resolving missing metadata using supplementary sources, and assigning geographic coordinates to major production centres. Film counts were aggregated by decade to reduce year-to-year variation and facilitate long-term comparisons.

Visualisation

The processed dataset was visualised in Python using Matplotlib and Plotly. Individual heatmaps were generated for Film Noir, Western, and Martial Arts films, with colour intensity representing logarithmically transformed production counts to account for the substantially larger output of Hollywood. These three heatmaps were subsequently combined into a multichannel RGB composite. RGB encoding allows simultaneous comparison of three independent variables while preserving their overlap, making temporal co-occurrence immediately visible without requiring multiple figures.

Multichannel RGB heatmap of film genres by selected country and decade (created using Python). Red represents martial art movies, green film noir, and blue represents ‘Western’ genre.

Each colour channel represents one genre: red denotes Martial Arts, green denotes Film Noir, and blue denotes Westerns. Composite colours indicate genre co-occurrence, with yellow representing Martial Arts and Film Noir, magenta representing Martial Arts and Westerns, cyan representing Film Noir and Westerns, and white indicating the simultaneous presence of all three genres. Dark colours correspond to low or zero production. Colour intensity is proportional to the logarithmically transformed film count for each genre, country, and decade.

Findings

The composite heatmap reproduces several well-established historical patterns while revealing differences in the geographic trajectories of individual genres.

Westerns remain consistently dominant in the United States throughout the study period. A second period of high production appears in Italy between the 1950s and 1970s, corresponding to the rise of the Spaghetti Western, demonstrating that some genres develop important secondary production centres rather than remaining confined to their origins.

Surge in Western productions in Italy (Spaghetti Western) and Mexico in 1960 and 1970s.

Film Noir is strongly concentrated in the United States during the 1940s and 1950s before declining substantially in subsequent decades. Production increases later in countries including India and China, although at considerably lower levels than those observed in the United States, suggesting adaptation rather than displacement of the genre’s original production centre.

Film noir production saw a surge in India (Bombay-based film industry) in 1950s and 2000s

Martial Arts cinema exhibits its strongest concentration in China. During the 1980s, China also shows substantial Film Noir production, producing a yellow (red + green) region in the composite heatmap that indicates simultaneous activity in both genres. Similarly, cyan regions observed in the United States during the 1940s and 1950s indicate the concurrent production of Film Noir and Western films.

Overall, the visualisations suggest that film genres rarely diffuse uniformly across production centres. Instead, they tend either to remain concentrated around their historical origins or to establish a limited number of secondary centres characterised by local reinterpretation. The relative scarcity of white regions in the composite heatmap indicates that sustained, high-volume co-production across all three genres is uncommon.

Shyam Benegal’s Trikal and the ghosts of Portuguese occupation of Goa

Stills from Feitiço do Império (1940), Saat Hindustani (1969) and Trikal (1985)

The story of the liberation of Goa, a former Portuguese colony, and its aftermath on the politics and culture of this coastal region occupies only a small corner of Indian history, almost difficult to spot, and is barely recognised in the collective Indian memory.

I recently watched the Portuguese film Feitiço do Império (1940), a propaganda feature made during the Salazar dictatorship to promote the Estado Novo regime’s imperial agenda. While watching the film, I kept anticipating the appearance of Goa as Luís Morais, the film’s protagonist, travels through Portugal’s colonies, crossing African landscapes, encountering big-game wildlife, and observing exoticised portrayals of native populations. Yet he never visits Goa, Damão, or Diu. It seems that, for the Portuguese state at the time, the larger African colonies were considered far more important than the smaller eastern enclaves, such as Goa, and therefore more worthy of inclusion in this propaganda film.

To find how the Portuguese state saw Goa and its forced severance by Indian state in 1961, I turned to Cinemateca Digital, the Portuguese cinematheque portal, but didn’t find much that would meet my interest. There were only cursory mentions to Goa in news bulletins on evolving military situation during late 1950s and early 1960s but of very little depth.

Finally, I turned eastwards and wondered: How has the prolific Indian cinema looked at this event?
I was surprised to find that Indian cinema, especially the dominant Mumbai-based Hindi commercial film industry, which is infamous for sidestepping political issues and staying far removed from contentious social and political developments—has engaged with the Goan story quite directly. Quantitatively, however, the attention it has received is minuscule.

Two feature films deal directly with the history of the former Portuguese colony, the anti-colonial struggle in this coastal enclave, and its final ‘liberation’ by the Indian army in 1961. The first is ‘Saat Hindustani‘ (Seven Indians) made by Khwaja Ahmed Abbas in 1969 and the other is Trikal (titled in English as ‘Past, Present and Future’) made by celebrated director of ‘Indian new wave’ Shyam Benegal in 1985.

The first, although produced independently, takes the form of a propaganda film and, curiously or coincidently, employs narrative techniques that are not very different than those used by Antonio Ribeiro: seven Indians coming from different regions, religions and political ideologies join hands to wage a covert war against Portuguese oppression in Goa in the midst of the anti-colonial movement in late 1950s. The characters and the regions from which they come represent struggles and tensions within the Indian union over religion, language, and ethnicities. The film tries to emphasise the cohesiveness of Indian union and the fight against Portuguese as a higher call against an outside enemy despite local differences. Like Ribeiro, Abbas also mixes documentary and fiction formats in the film.

The second film – Benegal’s Trikal – is breathtaking in the historic depth, empathy, and nuance with which it deals with the complex subject and the ideas of change, loss, trauma of the past, and the past’s ability to influence the present and the future.  The fiction film is set in the tumultuous year 1961, just a few months before the Indian takeover of Goa in December 1961.

Screengrabs from the film showing the change in fate for Sousa Suarez family home. From a well kept family mansion to an abandoned ghost house.

The film’s central plot revolves around a feudal Goan-Catholic family – Souza-Soares – and the family head, Dona Maria, who is in denial of her husband’s death as well as the imminent Indian takeover of Goa. The family is desperate to marry Maria’s granddaughter Anna to a young doctor who has settled in Lisbon, but the young girl is in awe of another relative, Leon, who has joined the Goan liberation movement against the family’s wishes. With Dona Maria attached to the past and unwilling to let go of the traditions, the younger generation seems eager to violate her wishes to find life away from the family house as they grapple with their loyalties—whether to Portugal, an independent Goa, or India.

In the film, the family home—the Souza-Soares mansion— and its deceased patriarch Ernesto Souza Soares, serve as metaphors for the Portuguese Colonial state in Goa. As the house and its occupants lose relevance for the local community – both Hindu and Catholic Goans – who are increasingly swept up in nationalist fervour, its residents grow anxious, even fractured, facing the impending takeover by the Indian army. The mansion also becomes a site where suppressed histories resurface, including Portuguese brutality against local revolutionaries during the native struggle, as well as those committed during the prolonged Catholic inquisition. The house’s eventual decay (shown when Pereira visits it 25 years later) seems to be telling the audience that Goa’s Portuguese past interests only historians and archaeologists.

Ernesto’s widow –  Dona Maria – seems unwilling to acknowledge the death of her husband even after going through all the rituals of the transference of the souls from this world to the hereafter. The husband’s death seems to have incapacitated her, and she suspends all her familiar affairs, announcing a moratorium.

Dona Maria Souza Suarez sits in her room listening to fado record by Amalia Rodrigues as the rest of thee family gathers around the mortal remains of her husband.

She takes the help of shaman practices – seances held through the help of Milagrenia (an illegitimate child of her husband employed as a housemaid in the mansion) as a medium – to contact her dead husband, which never succeeds. What’s important is that her efforts to contact the husband are mirrored with hope expressed by some of the characters in the film that the Portuguese government will intervene and will never allow the Indian state to ‘invade’ Goa. As it turns out, both of these expectations turn out to be futile.

Salazar orders the Goan government and citizens of Goa to fight until the last breath. The governor general Manuel António Vassalo e Silva, seeing the futility of resisting 40,000 Indian soldiers with 3,500 at his disposal, disregards the ‘orders’ and surrenders to the Indian army on December 19 1961.

The seances held by Dona Maria, however, have a result contrary to her expectations.

Director Benegal uses the séance episodes to deal with the problematics of memory and history and how different sides of a conflict remember and mythologise different and contradictory narratives.

The seances held by Dona Maria summon Vijay Singh Rane’s soul instead of Ernesto’s. Rane recalls his torture and murder at the hands of the Portuguese government.

The seances conjure the ghosts of Vijay Singh Rane and Kushtoba Rane (instead of her husband’s), the latter an anti-colonial bandit who was captured by the Portuguese authorities with the help of Dona Maria’s grandfather — a Portuguese loyalist –  forcing her to confront her family’s – and by association Portuguese state’s violent past. This unintended encounter reveals how suppressed histories resurface, disrupting colonial nostalgia.

Rane, painfully, recalls the cultural erasure caused by centuries of Catholic inquisition that snatched away his community’s traditions and ‘even names’. Dona Maria, perturbed by these uneasy accusations, shouts: Why are you telling me this? I know nothing about this.” – highlighting the history bubble that surrounds her. She eventually abandons the seances, perhaps, with her coming to terms with the complex history of her family’s legacy.

Dr Pereira (left) rubbishes the possibility of an ‘independent Goa’ like Switzerland.

After Ernesto’s funeral, the family doctor – Mr Pereira – who has been portrayed as someone who has resigned to the ‘new reality’ of Goa ( or is he an opportunist who has shifted his loyalties?) – raises a toast “not with Scotch, but with our native pheni”. He refers to Ernesto’s death as the departure of “the Goa that they knew until now” and that a new regime will soon take over. At a dinner later, he insists to others at the table that one’s culture is the culture where one is born and that Salazar doesn’t care about Goa because he sent all his army to rescue the African colonies.

Anna, the grand daughter, is engaged to Lisbon-based doctor Erasmo but she is in love with anti-colonial revolutionary Leon, who is hiding in the basement of the mansion. The engagement breaks after she is found pregnant. Leon and Anna then elope – ironically – to Portugal to start a new life after India annexes Goa.

By the end of the film, Dona Maria seems to have undergone some change in her attitude. In the beginning, she seems incapable of dealing with Ernesto’s loss (and hence by association the Portuguese Goa). “I feel that if I forget Ernesto’s face, I will forget mine. If he is gone, what will be left for me?” she wonders at his funeral. By the end, she seems to have – even if passively – accepted the change as she expresses her approval of her granddaughter’s decision to leave and make a life elsewhere.

Arthouse True Crime: Films that look past the crime scene

As true crime has evolved into one of streaming’s defining narrative forms, a quieter strain of arthouse cinema has approached the subject from an altogether different direction as portraits of loneliness, social decay, and the unsettling banality of violence. The crime itself frequently occupies surprisingly little screen time.

A still from The Girl with the Needle (Magnus von Horn, 2024)

ATIKH RASHID

The popularity of true crime is often explained through a deceptively simple contradiction: we seek proximity to what we fear. Psychologists have variously attributed the genre’s appeal to morbid curiosity, our evolved vigilance toward danger, and an impulse to rehearse threats from the safety of spectatorship. Cognitive film scholars similarly argue that narrative cinema functions as a laboratory for emotional simulation, allowing audiences to test moral intuitions and empathic responses without material risk. True crime, as per them, satisfies an ancient desire to understand violence by transforming it into narrative. The murderer is apprehended, the motives are catalogued, and disorder eventually yields to explanation.

Yet contemporary true crime culture—particularly as shaped by streaming platforms—has gradually shifted from understanding violence to consuming it. The documentary series, with its episodic revelations, archival footage, police interviews, and dramatic cliffhangers, has become an endlessly renewable machine of suspense. Murder is reorganized into content. Victims become mysteries, perpetrators become puzzles, and investigation itself becomes spectacle. Even when ethically motivated, the genre often reproduces the procedural logic of law enforcement, asking not what violence feels like or what social worlds produce it, but merely who committed it and how they were caught.

There exists, however, another lineage of cinema that approaches true crime from almost the opposite direction. One that distrusts revelation, resists procedural satisfaction, and refuses the reassuring architecture of justice: the arthouse true crime. These are the films which have at their central plot a true crime – or even a serial killer – and are made by independent filmmakers and are mainly circulated through festival circuit, unlike the true crime documentary genre which gathered a startling momentum through digital screening platforms. It is a cinema scattered across countries and decades rather than united by movement or manifesto—a constellation of films that might be called arthouse true crime.

The Golden Glove (Fatah Akin, 2019)

I am talking here about films such as Angst (1983), Gerald Kargl’s suffocating immersion into the fractured consciousness of a serial killer; Sion Sono’s Cold Fish (2010), which transforms a notorious Japanese murder case into a corrosive study of patriarchal domination and capitalist excess; Vincent Le Port’s Bruno Reidal: Confession of a Murderer (2021), an austere adaptation of a real murderer’s written confession that privileges introspection over explanation; and Fatih Akin’s The Golden Glove (2019), an unflinching portrait of postwar social decay seen through the crimes of Fritz Honka. A notable addition to this constellation of movies is Magnus von Horn’s The Girl with the Needle (2024), which situates the horrors of the Danish serial baby killer Dagmar Overbye case within the brutal realities of poverty, motherhood, and postwar Europe.

These films are interested less in crime than in the ordinary conditions surrounding it: poverty, alienation, masculinity, social neglect, loneliness, labor, hunger, repression. Violence arrives not as an exceptional rupture but as something disturbingly embedded within everyday life.

A still from Japanese film Cold Fish (Sion Sono, 2010)

Watching these films often means abandoning the expectations cultivated by Netflix. There are no detectives, retired or serving, guiding us through evidence, no experts reconstructing timelines for the screen, no comforting narration promising that every question will eventually be answered. Instead, we inhabit spaces rather than stories. We remain with people long after conventional narratives would have moved on. The crime itself frequently occupies surprisingly little screen time.

What distinguishes arthouse true crime is not simply aesthetic sophistication but a radically different ethics of looking.

Social landscape of violence

One place to begin is with The Girl with the Needle (2024), the recent period drama by Magnus von Horn that hauntingly reimagines of the crimes of Dagmar Overbye, the Danish woman convicted of murdering infants in the uneasy years following the First World War.  Von Horn has little interest in reconstructing the case or in tracing the neat causal arc from crime to punishment that has become the default grammar of the contemporary documentary series. Instead, he drifts outward, away from the killer and toward the world that made her legible: a Copenhagen of soot-blackened factories, amputee veterans, unwanted pregnancies, and women for whom survival itself had become a daily negotiation.

Dagmar Overbye, as imagined by Magnus von Horn in The Girl with the Needle (2024)

The film’s emotional centre is not Overbye but Karoline, a young seamstress navigating a society that has already abandoned her long before she encounters the woman who promises refuge. The murders emerge gradually, almost imperceptibly, from this landscape of deprivation, as though they were another symptom of a social order that had already normalized quieter forms of violence.

That displacement—from the event to its atmosphere—is where the film locates its cinematic power. A conventional true-crime series would almost certainly organise the Overbye case around evidence, testimony, chronology: archival photographs, police files, expert commentary, the steady accumulation of facts leading toward judicial closure. Von Horn does something far more elusive. He empties the narrative of investigation almost entirely, replacing it with duration. The camera lingers on corridors and stairwells, on factory floors humming with mechanical repetition, on faces suspended in moments of waiting that seem to stretch beyond narrative time. Information is withheld not to manufacture suspense but to dissolve it. One is never encouraged to solve the crime so much as to inhabit the historical conditions from which it became thinkable.

Its monochrome imagery only deepens this sensation. Bodies emerge from darkness only to disappear back into it, while the city itself becomes less a setting than a material condition pressing against its inhabitants. Poverty acquires a tactile weight; interiors seem permanently deprived of air; faces bear the sediment of labour and hunger before they express emotion. Violence, when it arrives, scarcely disrupts the rhythm of these spaces because the world itself has already been organised around quieter forms of attrition.

What makes The Girl with the Needle stand away from the contemporary true crime is not that it humanises Dagmar Overbye but that she isn’t the privileged object of the gaze. She remains opaque, unsettling, resistant to diagnosis. Instead, the film asks us to attend to everything that ordinarily disappears in crime narratives: the economic structures that render certain lives disposable, the fragile solidarities among women, the institutional indifference that transforms desperation into opportunity. The crimes are never explained away, nor are they elevated into singular acts of monstrous evil. They remain embedded within the ordinary textures of social life, where history itself begins to resemble the unseen accomplice.

Akin’s grotesque examination

If The Girl with the Needle traces violence back to the invisible architectures of social abandonment, then Fatih Akin’s The Golden Glove (2019) descends into a world where abandonment has already become a way of life. When this film premiered in competition at the Berlin International Film Festival, it sharply divided critics. Many dismissed it as an exercise in calculated repulsion, accusing Akin of wallowing in degradation and reducing the suffering of Honka’s victims to grotesque spectacle.

The titular bar in The Golden Glove, where Honka picks most of his victims (Fatah Akin, 2019)

Based on the crimes of the West German serial killer Fritz Honka, who murdered at least four women in Hamburg during the early 1970s, the film unfolds almost entirely within a handful of oppressive interiors: the titular dive bar, cramped apartments stained by nicotine and neglect, and the claustrophobic attic where Honka’s victims disappear into the architecture itself. At first glance, Akin’s film seems to embrace the lurid iconography that arthouse cinema has traditionally held at arm’s length. There are decomposing bodies, bursts of startling brutality, prosthetic grotesquerie, and an almost overwhelming sensory assault. It is perhaps unsurprising that many critics dismissed the film as little more than exploitation masquerading as prestige.

The murders, shocking as they are, occupy surprisingly little narrative importance. What lingers instead are the rituals surrounding them: endless rounds of cheap schnapps, stale cigarette smoke hanging in the air, broken conversations between people too intoxicated to finish their sentences, and the melancholy choreography of regulars who return to the Golden Glove every evening because there is nowhere else left to go. Honka himself is almost incidental to this social landscape. He is neither criminal mastermind nor charismatic psychopath—the two dominant archetypes of contemporary true crime. He is physically deformed, emotionally stunted, sexually frustrated, and painfully ordinary. His monstrosity lies less in exceptional intelligence than in his utter banality. Akin refuses the perverse glamour that so often accompanies cinematic serial killers, presenting Honka instead as another discarded body among many.

In this regard, The Golden Glove is less interested in serial murder than in the slow violence of social invisibility. Its most devastating observation is that Honka’s victims are able to disappear because they had already, in many respects, disappeared from public life. Their absence scarcely registers beyond the confines of the neighbourhood because the film insists that neglect precedes murder. By the time violence erupts, society has already withdrawn its gaze.

Its aesthetic, too, is one of relentless materiality. Every surface appears damp with sweat, grease, alcohol, and decay. Wallpaper peels from nicotine-stained walls; food rots on kitchen counters; fluorescent lighting renders flesh sickly rather than expressive. One comes away remembering textures before events, smells before plot. In many ways, Akin replaces the evidentiary logic of true crime with what might be called an archaeology of environment.

The film doesn’t transform Honka into an unknowable monster whose evil reassures us of our own normality. Nor are his victims sanctified into abstract symbols of innocence. Instead, Akin insists on something far more unsettling: that everyone in this world has already been shaped, diminished, and forgotten by the same social conditions, even if only one of them becomes a murderer.

Not a procedural

If conventional true crime is organised around information, arthouse true crime is organised around duration. Its attention drifts toward the moments that procedural narratives routinely discard: a meal prepared in silence, an empty factory floor, a solitary drink, the slow rhythms of work and waiting. Violence is no longer an event to be reconstructed but a condition that gradually settles over everyday life.

Victims exist before they become victims; perpetrators remain morally accountable without being reduced to monsters. Explanation never hardens into exoneration. What these films ultimately deny is the comfort of distance. Murder appears neither exceptional nor spectacular, but banal, repetitive, woven into histories of loneliness, deprivation, and neglect. Their gaze shifts from the crime itself to the social worlds that make such violence imaginable—a refusal of easy causality that may be arthouse true crime’s most quietly radical gesture.

Drawn reality? Truth and subjectivity in animated documentary Just A Guy (2020)

Animated documentaries (clockwise), Waltz with Bashir (2008), Flee (2021), Just a Guy (2020), and Tower (2016).

ATIKH RASHID

“…Animation can show things that lie outside the reach of photography… This mode of filmmaking can bear vibrant witness to things that cameras might not, or could not, or perhaps should not, record on the spot”: David Bordwell

Documentary filmmaking has traditionally been associated with live-action images that capture and depict ‘reality’. The animated documentary challenges this assumption by combining factual narratives with animated representation, expanding the possibilities of how reality can be documented and communicated.

As David Bordwell suggests, animation enables filmmakers to bear witness to subjects that cameras cannot reach, whether because they belong to the past, exist only in memory, or involve spaces and experiences that cannot be visually recorded.

This subject has generated significant debate about the relationship between documentary truth and artistic reconstruction. While critics have questioned whether animation compromises the documentary’s claim to reality, supporters argue that it offers unique ways of representing subjective experiences and hidden histories. Films dealing with trauma, memory, incarceration, war, and personal testimony have particularly benefited from the medium’s ability to visualize the unseen and the unrecorded.

One of the films from this genre that I found quite interesting was Just A Guy (2020) by Shoko Hara. It’s a 14-minutes animated documentary exploring the relationship three young women had with the Richard Remirez, the notorious American serial killer known as the ‘Night Stalker’, when he was lodged in a prison on death row. They corresponded with him through letters, with one of them paying him several visits in the prison and also receiving a proposal from Remirez to marry him.

It’s also a personal story for the director Shoko Hara as she is one of three women whose relationship with Remirez is depicted in the film, though she never met him in person. The film employs a mix of animation styles, including stop-motion, claymation, collage and also uses mixed-media to achieve a raw and immersive aesthetic

A screengrab from Just A Guy (2020)

Shoko said in an interview that she chose to animate the memories of these girls using dirty pink clay and other materials that are available in prison, like plastic, paper or garbage to convey the idea of exploitative, toxic love which was at play in the Ramirez affair. She said that she decided to use animation for the film as one of the two other women wanted to remain anonymous. She used their facial features, especially eyes while making their animations because she felt that audience would want to know how they look or looked.

In the film, Shoko Hara says that she was introduced to Ramirez by one of her female friends who was in a ‘correspondence relation’ with the murderer.

Talking about the young girls who were fascinated by Remirez – often called ‘groupies’ in the popular culture – Shoko says, “I realised that their relationship with Remirez wasn’t very different than other real relationships. It was about jealousy, toxic but also nice”.

For me, however, the film also raises the question that critics of ‘animated documentary format’ have been raising (mentioned in David Bordwells post ‘Showing what can’t be filmed’). The critics doubt animation’s ability – given that it involves great amount of human intervention involved like in other arts such as painting or architecture – to capture the flow of real time and space like photography does (in Andre Bazin’s words).

You see a lot of choices made by the filmmaker in the depiction of visuals that go with the testimonies of the Remirez’s female admirers. This adds a great degree of subjectivity to the film that would be undesirable for a documentary’s claims to factuality.

For instance, as Eve, one of the girls, describes her first meeting with Remirez in the prison, she remarks that he looked much bigger in reality than he seemed in photos or on television. The visuals, however, exaggerate this impression considerably making the images too subjective to the point of seeming unreal.

The animated documentary’s depiction of Eve’s first meeting with Ramirez

The animation makes him look like a giant, which may put in question the faith in factual presentation that the audience would take for granted in a documentary. The audience, from henceforth, may shift the comprehension strategy to accommodate the subjectivity, which may harm the claims to authenticity desired in a ‘conventional’ documentary.

The sequence (screengrabs from 1 to 4 taken by the author) shows the limbs, torso, and head of the drawn woman getting dismembered without making it clear if the drawing comes from Remirez or is an effect made by the filmmaker.


In another sequence in the beginning of the film, a drawing of a semi-naked woman from one of the letters by Remirez is dismembered in a sequence images. Did Remirez draw the dismemberment or was it the filmmaker who dismembered the drawing to symbolically convey his violent past?


Similarly, in another sequence, Eve shares that during some of her visits to Remirez he had flashed his sexual organ to her. This accompanies the visual of a giant, serpent like phallus trying to violate the woman. This, most likely, is a latter interpretation of the visit as during her visits she was a consensual participant in the affair and may not have felt the encounter as grotesque or violating as shown in the animated sequence. This adding another layer of subjectivity to the visual narration.

A screengrab of a scene where Shoko Hara’s subjectivity takes over

However, it’s more than clear that the film was an impossibility to make in live-action format as two of the three girls were not comfortable with showing their faces as they have moved on and there’s no recording of the prison visits by the girls. Shoko has cited the need for a partial or full anonymity requested by the young women as the primary reason to choose animated format for the film.

A short history of Delhi’s Muslim ghettos

The story starts with the demarcation of ‘Muslim Zones’ in the capital to protect Muslims from violence in 1947 in the aftermath of Partition. During 1970s, these areas are seen as ‘unhygienic pockets’ requiring beautification and are subjected to demolition drives. In the post-9/11 world, they are pushed further to the margins as ‘terrorist hide-outs’ and are subjected to frequent police searches.

Muslim demography of Delhi. Map by Raphael Susewind

ATIKH RASHID

INDIA’S partition in 1947 and the resultant influx and efflux of communities caused a sea of change in the demography and character of the Delhi city.

Before partition, the city was home to a big and prosperous Muslim community which comprised of about one-third of the city’s population. However, the emigration of Muslims – some out of choice, others due to compulsion of violence – reduced the Muslim population of Delhi drastically. It is estimated that around 3.3 lakh Muslim residents of Delhi left for Pakistan and around 5 lakh Hindu and Sikh refugees from riot-torn West Punjab came to Delhi.

As per estimates, the Muslim population of Delhi came down from 33.33 per cent in 1941 to a mere 5.33 per cent in 1951.

Several localities which were predominantly Muslim, such as Chandani Chowk, Khari Baoli and Karol Bagh were emptied out to a great extent with the emigration of Muslims and were replaced with Punjabi Hindus and Sikhs.

Creation of ‘Muslim Zones’

In the aftermath of Partition, Delhi was thrown into grips of anti-Muslim violence, especially at the hands of Hindu, Sikh refugees coming from West Pakistan who had suffered the loss of life and property. Between August-October 1947, as many as 20,000 Muslims were killed within Delhi in communal riots and almost all the Muslim residents – especially from mixed localities – had shifted to temporary camps that had sprung up in Purana Qila, Nizamuddin and Humanyun’s Tomb.

Muslims from Delhi and nearby areas taking shelter in Purana Qila in September 1947.

When tempers calmed – with efforts by Mahatma Gandhi and Maulana Azad – the Muslims in the camps who had not migrated to Pakistan started returning to their homes. It was felt by the government that ‘mixed areas’ – where Muslims and Hindus previously stayed together – were no longer safe for Muslims to return to. The government decided to rehabilitate displaced Muslims in predominantly Muslim localities such as Pul Bangash, Phatak Habash Khan, Sadar Bazar and Pahari Imli areas which in government communications were being referred to as ‘Muslim Zones’. It can’t be ascertained to what degree the government succeeded in implementing this plan fully, but it was put in motion by the agencies surely.

“Certain largely Muslim mohallas were cordoned off, and abandoned houses there were to be kept empty by police intervention so that either Muslims could return to them or other Muslims could be moved there and provided safety,” says Vazira Zamindar her book The Long Partition and The Making of Modern South Asia.

Zamindar quotes Sardar Diwan Singh, the editor of Risalat, on how this shifting from ‘mixed localities’ to ‘Muslim zones’ happened.

“Muslims from mixed areas were asked to move to the Muslim zones. The constable stood at the street corner and they had five minutes to gather their belongings and go. Many thought this was only a matter of a few days and that they would return when the public had calmed down…”.

But, as per Singh, the Muslims did not or could not return to the houses.

Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru supported this policy saying if Hindus and Sikhs were accommodated in empty houses left behind by Muslims who departed for Pakistan, it would “push out” Muslims residents.

“There was a tendency on the part of the Muslim residents of the other houses, next door, to leave their houses because they felt they were being pushed out,” he said later in a parliamentary debate.

The Muslim Zones thus created soon were attached with a stigma of being “communally sensitive areas” and “zones of trouble”.

“For Muslims staying in these ilaqe (areas) was not a matter of choice; nor was these enclaves celebrated zones of culture. Instead, living in these areas became a compulsion for Muslims for safety. In a span of a few years these pockets were marked as ‘communally sensitive area(s)’- a stigma that transformed these areas in later decades from protected sites into alleged zones of trouble,” writes Nazma Parveen in her study on ‘Muslim localities of Delhi’.

Resettlements of Shahjahanabad

About three decades later, another round of creation of Muslim ghettos happened. It was due to the ‘urban beautification-inspired demolition drives’ that were held in the midst of Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi. The drives, executed by Jagmohan Malhotra of Delhi Development Authority (DDA), were aimed at beautification of Jama Masjid, Turkman gate areas with a plan to revamp Shahjahanabad. Thousands of residents of these areas (mainly Muslims) were forcefully and violently evicted and ‘resettled’ in localities such as Seelampur and Welcome.

During the emergency imposed by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi several demolition drives took place in Old Delhi in 1976 with an aim to beautify the congested areas.

As per author Ghazala Jamil, these areas continued to expand during 1980s as more Muslims from the Old Delhi areas who shifted out from Old Delhi houses due to various reason started settling in and around Seelampur and Welcome. Hindus moving out of Old Delhi would, on the other hand, shift to Shahadara, Geeta Colony and Uttam Nagar. Also, in localities where Muslim-population was greater, Hindus sold off their properties and moved out and these localities became largely Muslim.

“By the late 1980s, segregation in Delhi on religious identity lines became almost final and complete,” Jamil writes in Accumulation by Segregation: Muslim Localities in Delhi.

Migration of UP, Bihar and elsewhere

From the 1990s, Muslim migrants from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and other areas of north India started coming and settling in the localities north of Seelampur and formed the belt of largely Muslim localities in ‘trans-Yamuna’ areas ranging between Seelampur and Loni Border including Gautampuri, Chandbagh, Jafferabad, Gokulpuri and other areas where the recent Delhi riots were largely concentrated.

During the same period, Jamia Nagar saw unprecedented expansion with migration of aspirational migrants from north India and many new colonies came up. Some scholars have linked the migration of 1990s and 2000s of Muslims from UP and Bihar to Delhi’s Muslim ghettos to communal polarisation that happened during Ram Janmabhoomi Movement and 2002 riots of Gujarat.

“A very small portion of this population (residing in newer ghettos) can trace their earlier generation residing in Delhi before 1947, a vast majority being migrants from UP and Bihar. The pockets of Muslim population got consolidated (some even expanded) after each communal riot in the country especially the post-Babri Masjid demolition riots in 1992 and Gujarat pogrom in 2002,” writes Jamil.

The affluent class among Muslims who did not identify with the lot living in the ghettos formed gated enclaves either within these Muslim areas or on the borders in localities like Zakir Nagar Extension, Joga Bai Extension, Joharmi Farms or housing societies like the Taj Enclave.

“Still shunned from the affluent Hindu areas they resorted to using a new group membership as a source of positive self-esteem,” observes Jamil.

‘Terror Hide-Outs’ requiring combing operations

In one of his report (June 1 1948) about the plan of ‘Muslim Zones’, Delhi’s then Deputy Commissioner M S Randhawa refers to these zones as ‘Miniature Pakistans’ creation of which is being resented by Hindu and Sikh refugees of Delhi.

In over seven decades since, the Muslim ghettos of Delhi – as those elsewhere in India – have not been able to shake off the stigma, suspicion and derision associated with them.

The situation turned markedly volatie in 2008 when the controversial Batla House police encounter happened in which two university students alleged to be terrorists were killed by police. This was followed by a scores of arrests from the Muslim neighbourhoods often without police following proper legal procedure. The incident and what followed disgraced the neighbourhood in the public sphere as a ‘terrorist hideout’.

Prof Mohamad Sayeed writes in his essay about, how Batla House incident created an environment of fear among the local Muslim residents, a fear that was different that the fear of riot or violent attack life and property.

“First, it was not the fear of a known enemy—another group or community. It was fear of an unknowable source that could cause incomprehensible damage. Here, the police had emerged as the agency that could act without caring much about the mandatory procedures. Despite doubts about the veracity of the ‘encounter’, however, it was not just the police and wrongful arrest and detention that was feared, but also the possibility that there might be actual terrorists living among them. Thus, the likelihood that the encounter was not fake was as terrifying as its converse. The event had exposed the neighbourhood to its deepest vulnerability,” writes Sayeed in his essay ‘Fear, law and politics after the police encounter at Batla House, New Delhi’ published in the journal Contributions to Indian Sociology in January 2020.

January 2020 riots in Northeast Delhi left 53, most of them Muslims, dead. (Photo Courtsey: Praveen Khanna for The Indian Express)

Researcher Nazima Parveen summerises the journey of the Muslim Ghettos of Delhi, which are again in the news for prolonged sit-in protests against Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) 2019 and as the areas which suffered maximum damage during the communal riots that followed, in the following manner:

“These localities were looked at differently over the period. In the 1940s they were seen as ‘Muslim-dominated’ areas that were to be administered for the sake of communal peace, in the 1950s, as ‘Muslim zones’ that needed to be ‘protected’, in the 1960s, as ‘isolated’ unhygienic cultural pockets that were to be cleaned and Indianized, and in the 1970s as location of ‘internal threat’ – the Mini-Pakistans – that were to be dismantled and integrated. In altered political scenarios of 1990s and 2000s these pockets were looked at as ‘terrorist hide-outs,” writes Parveen.

Musings on ‘City symphony’ films

Still from ‘Lisboa, Crónica Anedótica (1930), Dir: José Leitão de Barros

ATIKH RASHID

I like most city symphony films: Dziga Vertov’s eccentric, stylized, and self-aware The Man with the Movie Camera (1929), Walter Ruttman’s vibrant portrayal of the rhythm and energy of a single day in Berlin: Symphony of a Great City, and oris Ivens’s Rain (1929), a lyrical and atmospheric portrait of Amsterdam that transforms a passing rainstorm into a study of urban movement, texture, and light.


In this company, Leitão de Barros’s Lisbôa, Cronica Anedótica (1930), is a peculiar exception. It creates a poetic montage of the lives of various dwellers of Lisbon, like the other great city symphony films made elsewhere and before it. In addition, it incorporates staged visuals that set it apart from other symphony films.


I have often wondered what a city symphony film of an Indian city would look like. Each of the great cities of India in the second and third decades of the 20th century would have made great material for a symphony film: Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta, and Madras. Full of activity and brimming with political excitement, they were just a decade or two shy of freedom from colonial rule.

Screengrab from Panorama of Calcutta, India, from the River Ganges (1899) often credited to John “Mad Jack” Benett-Stanford.


India did have a filmmaking practice since the beginning of the 20th century, but it’s true that most of the films that were made during this period were made by westerners: British, French, or American filmmakers who headed to India with a camera to shoot it as an exotic land or as the “crown jewel of the British Empire.”


Numerous actualité and travel films were produced by companies such as Pathé and Gaumont which presented India less as a lived social reality and more as a spectacle to be consumed by audiences in Europe and North America. As film historians have noted, these early films often privileged scenes of religious ritual, bustling bazaars, royal processions, and picturesque landscapes, framing the subcontinent through a colonial gaze that emphasized difference, wonder, and imperial possession rather than everyday life.


Although there are no city symphony films for any of the Indian cities, if one looks through the archives, one may find that there’s some proto-city-symphony material that was shot in India by visiting filmmakers, and some of that material survives.

For instance, one of the earliest films shot in India, called Panorama of Calcutta (1899), does have the ethos, at least visually, of a symphony film. However, as has been pointed out by scholars, the visuals that one sees are not even from Calcutta but from a town (Benaras) almost 700 km to the west.

As Robin Baker wonders, “Maybe the cameraman got confused about his travels, or perhaps the company thought a more familiar name might be more tempting for audiences?”

The absence of an Indian symphony film is partially resolved when British-Indian filmmaker Sandhya Suri uses the ‘India on Film’ footage made available by the British Film Institute (BFI) in 2016 as part of the celebrations to mark the centenary of the Indian film industry to make Around India with a Movie Camera in 2018. She repurposes the visuals captured in India by British, French, and Indian cameramen to decolonise the gaze and create a symphony set to freshly composed Indian music of life in India before Independence.

Stills from Around India with a Movie Camera (2018) Dir: Sandhya Suri


A striking moments in Suri’s film is her use of footage from the Delhi Durbar of 1911, particularly the appearance of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III of Baroda. Historical accounts confirm that Gaekwad caused controversy by allegedly offering only a perfunctory bow to King George V and Queen Mary and turning away hastily, an act that was widely interpreted by colonial authorities and the British press as a breach of imperial protocol.


By incorporating this footage into her film, Suri invites viewers to look beyond the spectacle of imperial grandeur and attend instead to the tensions, ambiguities, and acts of dissent embedded within the colonial archive. In her hands, images originally produced to celebrate imperial rule are recontextualised to reveal the unseen tensions that prevailed at this historic moment and highlight the fragility of authority and the presence of Indian agency within spaces designed to display colonial dominance.

‘Scamming is just an extreme form of marketing’: A psychologist’s insights on financial frauds in digital age

‘Scam compliance is fraud-enabling actions that the victims take that ultimately work to their peril’. (Illustration by Atikh Rashid)

Stephen Lea, Emeritus Professor of Psychology at the University of Exeter (UK), known for his work on the psychological dimensions of scams, speaks to Atikh Rashid on why even the highly educated fall prey to scams and how the digital era has transformed scams and scammers.

Financial frauds and cyber scams continue to dupe scores of individuals every day. Stephen Lea, Emeritus Professor of Psychology at the University of Exeter (UK), known for his work on the psychological dimensions of scams, speaks to Atikh Rashid on why even the highly educated fall prey to scams and how the digital era has transformed scams and scammers. Excerpts:

What factors contribute to individuals falling prey to scams despite extensive awareness campaigns and widespread media coverage on the subject?

A mixture of reasons. Sometimes fraudsters are just very clever or they get lucky. They send out multiple scam appeals some of which just happen to hit someone for whom the scam fits well: people who are expecting a communication of the same sort from their bank or solicitor; people who are short of money, those who are in a hurry when the message comes in… And then, yes, people are eager to get money – through greed or desperation. So they want to believe that they can get higher returns, or that they have won the lottery.

Professor Stephen Lea (Photo by Ingmar Visser)

The Internet has made it extremely cheap, practically costless, to send out phishing messages, and computer technology has made it much easier to imitate genuine communications convincingly – word-processor-produced documents are much easier to mimic exactly than a typewriter-written, hand-signed letter on headed notepaper that had been professionally printed.

In the days when most scam appeals were distributed by post, fraudsters had to operate out of countries with the cheapest postal rates – Spain and Canada were the favourites – and even then, carrying out a fake lottery scam, for example, required considerable capital outlay.

What’s ‘scam compliance’? Are some people – owing to their psychological make-up – more compliant than others?

Unlike almost all other crimes, scams require some degree of cooperation from victims for them to be pulled off successfully. Scam compliance is fraud-enabling actions that the victims take that ultimately work to their own peril. Among the factors that may lead to compliance are the human tendency to place trust in authority figures, the susceptibility to social influence, sensation-seeking tendencies among some victims leading to the perception of scams as gambles, and a lack of self-control.

Psychologists are divided on whether there is a general personality trait of being open to persuasion – but if you feel you are like that, then it would be a good idea to be extra cautious whenever someone seems to be trying to get you to do something.

My guess – but it is a guess – is that compliance is domain-specific: some people may tend to be compliant towards, say, marketing, and scamming is really just an extreme form of marketing in my view, but not towards, say, romantic approaches.

What do you mean by ‘Scamming is an extreme form of marketing’?

Both scamming and marketing are trying to get you to make a financial transaction that you would not have made spontaneously. In the case of marketing, you will on average end up with some product (goods or services), but the more effective the marketing, the less likely that it will be worth what you paid for it

Scamming just takes this to extremes: what you end up with is nothing (or something that is worth almost nothing to you). Both activities use the same well-documented techniques of persuasion.

Often even highly educated, tech-savvy, and finance-literate individuals succumb to fraud as seen in Selva Nadar’s ‘profile investment scam’ in Pune, where IT professionals and individuals from the banking sector were defrauded.

This raises the question: can anyone, irrespective of education and exposure, be defrauded using the right techniques?

It’s a common belief – even shared by some perpetrators, according to our research – that the prime victims of fraud are the old and financially/technically unsophisticated; it’s even been suggested that the reason some ‘Nigerian letter’ scams are so absurd is that the perpetrators are trying to prevent anyone with a modicum of common sense from responding. While there are plenty of case histories of old and poorly financially educated victims, statistics do not bear out the idea that they predominate. In my view, you are right to suggest that “anyone – irrespective of the education and exposure – can be defrauded if the right techniques are employed”.

In the Pune case you describe, the victims were probably vulnerable precisely because they were (relatively) prosperous and tech-savvy. They thought they knew about investment, and I am sure the perpetrator would have flattered them with remarks about their knowledge and sophistication. The result is overconfidence, which is one of the prime causes of falling for a scam (as well as making other kinds of errors).

From a cybercriminal’s perspective, is committing online theft emotionally and physically less (shifted ‘less’) demanding compared to traditional methods involving violence or assault. Does the distance make evasion of ethical and conscience-related dilemmas easier?

This is the kind of thing that is often said, and not only about crime: e.g. in warfare, it is often argued that it is morally easier to drop bombs on a hospital, or fire rockets at one, than to enter it and bayonet the patients face to face. I’m not sure there’s any real evidence base to support this kind of argument. One might also point out that, as well as maintaining ethical distance, cyber fraudsters expose themselves to (a) less danger of giving themselves away by facial expression, tone of voice, etc (b) less risk of physical danger than traditional theft, where a victim might fight back effectively.

In most cases of online fraud, victims often feel reluctant to come out in public because of the possible stigma: ‘How foolish of you to have fallen for this!’

I agree that there is a reluctance for fraud victims to come forward (though it is difficult to measure how prevalent this is), and it applies to fraud in general, not just cyber fraud. I think this is a consequence of the (almost) unique character of fraud as a crime in which the victim has to cooperate – you have to do something to be defrauded, even if it is only clicking on a link in an email. Although there are multiple reasons in these cases, part of it is again the fear of being seen as complicit. That need not be so, because we all are vulnerable. In fact, when media interviewers ask me if I have ever fallen victim to a scam, I have only once (the first time it was asked) answered “No”; nowadays I always say, “Not yet”

National Film Archive of India seeks donations for digitisation, restoration of films

Donors will get recognition in the form of credit in the opening slate of the restored and digitised film. 

ATIKH RASHID

National Film Archive of India, which is now a part of the National Film Development Corporation (NFDC), has sought funds in the form of sponsorships and donations for carrying out film digitisation and restoration projects.

Donors – who could be individuals, corporates, institutions or state governments – will be able to contribute towards digitisation of films which costs around Rs 2.55 lakh per film (120 minutes) as well as towards restoration which costs around Rs 27.40 lakh per film.

In return, donors will get recognition in the form of credit in the opening slate of the restored and digitised film. They will also get a memento for promoting the cause of film preservation and will also get their name in the ‘NFDC-NFAI platinum supporters’ list.

“The digitisation and restoration of films, that will happen through funds received through donations, will be in addition to the work being done under the National Film Heritage Mission (NFHM) which is currently under progress at the National Film Archive of India,” an NFDC official said.

Launched in January 2017, NFHM aims to carry out preventive conservation of 1.32 lakh film reels held by the film archive, undertake film condition assessment of the reels, digitisation of carefully prioritised 1,345 feature films and 2,768 short films as well as restoration of 1,145 feature and 1,108 short films.

Officials said that under the project, so far, 180 films are in the process of restoration while 3,700 films, including short films, are being digitised.

In March 2022, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (I&B) notified the merger of four media units — Films Division (FD), Directorate of Film Festivals (DFF), National Film Archives of India (NFAI) and Children’s Film Society, India (CFSI) with the NFDC.

The NFDC, a PSU working under the ministry, was given the mandate for the production of documentaries and short films, organisation of film festivals and preservation of celluloid heritage. The move, it was said, was undertaken to bring “convergence of activities and resources and better coordination, thereby ensuring synergy and efficiency in achieving the mandate of each media unit”.

The forgotten art of Poonah Painting that kept women busy in Victorian England

An example of ‘Poonah Painting’ also known as Theorem Painting. Credit: British Library

ATIKH RASHID

It’s unlikely that anyone in Pune today would have heard of an art form called ‘Poonah Painting’, although this art, which flourished in Victorian England, was named after the city. The craft was extremely popular in 19th-century England but later declined into oblivion.

Poonah Painting was a kind of stencilling that involved the imitation of Oriental artwork, particularly in the depiction of flowers, birds, and other natural subjects. The craft was popular among women and, for a considerable period, considered an essential part of a girl’s education in elite English society. The style was also called Theorem Painting or Oriental Tinting.

The popularity of Poonah Painting in England during the era could be attributed to its ability to mimic the aesthetics of Oriental art, which was highly sought after at the time. This artistic technique provided a way for artists to create visually striking and intricate designs on various surfaces, including paper, silk, velvet, crepe, and light-coloured wood.

A Meticulous Process

To create a Poonah Painting, one required what was called Poonah Paper, a kind of tracing paper, and a Poonah Brush, a stompy, round-headed brush. Many establishments trained young girls in the craft, and advertisements to this effect can be found in newspapers and magazines of that era.

An illustration from a 19th-century women’s magazine depicting a woman busy doing a Poonah work.

The process involved the meticulous tracing of objects, cutting, and layering to achieve a visually striking effect.

As per The Lady’s Book (1831), the process began with laying a piece of Poonah Paper over the original subject, such as flowers, fruit, or butterflies, and the outlines of each colour were marked using a steel point. These outlines were then cut out, either with a sharp-pointed penknife or specialised tools designed for this purpose.

Another piece of tracing paper was then used to mark and cut out the compartments for each colour. This process was repeated until a series of frames with openings through which a specific colour could be applied to the paper were created.

The main template was then placed on a drawing board, and the colour was applied using a flat Poonah Brush held perpendicularly. Then, one after the other, all the frames were placed, and colours were applied using separate brushes. Shading was achieved by gradually reducing the amount of colour on the brush and applying it from the edges as needed.

Women from rich households would often embellish the paintings by giving touches of gold or ruby bronze to the wings or bodies of insects. A mixture of gum water and the desired metallic powder was brushed onto the paper, followed by the application of dry gold or bronze powder, which was rubbed until smooth and polished.

A ‘Frivolous’ Art?

Since Poonah Painting was not drawing and painting in the truest sense, and it was exclusively seen as a women’s activity, it was often looked down upon. It was also linked to vanity among women. Evidence of this can be found in 19th-century literature.

A damask rose done in Poonah style.

William Makepeace Thackeray, the author of Vanity Fair, wrote to his would-be wife, Miss Isabella Shawe, in July 1836, justifying calling her “frivolous” in an earlier letter. He described a “frivolous lady” as one who “occupies herself all day with the house and servants” or “someone who does nothing but Poonah Painting and pianoforte”.

In a short story titled Madame Gerald, published in the magazine All the Year Round, edited by Charles Dickens, the author describes the Poonah works as “hideous daubs” of paint.

Edward Fitzgerald, the Victorian poet known for translating Omar Khayyam’s Rubaiyat, lists qualities of a girl in whom he takes a romantic interest in a poem titled Because:

“Because you don’t object to walk,
And are not given to fainting;
Because you have not learnt to talk
Of flowers and Poonah-painting.”

In the second half of the 19th century, the craft was in decline in England, and by the late 1860s, it was almost forgotten. Hints of this can be found in a short story published in Tinsley’s Magazine in 1868, in which the author, while describing the heroine, writes:

“…Also, she touched harp with grace, if not with accuracy; and she was adept at a fearful art of torturing flowers which has happily survived in our days only as a name, as a mystery, still darkly whispered of as ‘Poonah painting’.”

(The article was published on The Indian Express website on June 28, 2023, and can be accessed here)